1. Such large, impersonal manipulation of capital and industry greatly increased the numbers and importance of shareholders as a class, an element in national life representing irresponsible wealth?detached?from the land and the duties of the landowners: and almost equally detached from the responsible management of business.
這樣非個人的對資金和產(chǎn)業(yè)的巨大操縱極大地增加了股東的數(shù)量和他們作為一個階級的重要性，這些資金代表著國民生計中以不負責任手段獲取的財富。他們不但沒有負起土地擁有者的責任，而且也幾乎同樣沒有負起作為公司管理者的責任。

2. Towns like Bournemouth and Eastbourne sprang up to house large "comfortable" classes who had retired on their incomes, and who had no relation to the rest of the community except that of drawing dividends and occasionally attending a shareholders' meeting to dictate their orders to the management.
伯恩茅斯和伊斯特本這樣的城鎮(zhèn)大批涌現(xiàn)，給大量"享受主義"階級提供居住場所。這些人早年賺得了豐厚的收入，現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)退休。他們除了分紅和偶爾參加一下股東大會，向管理層口授一下自己的命令之外，跟社區(qū)的其他階層毫無瓜葛。

3. The "shareholders" as such had no knowledge of the lives, thoughts or needs of the workmen employed by the company in which he held shares, and his influence on the relations of capital and labor was not good.
這樣的"股東"對他擁有股份的公司所雇用的工人們的生活、思想和需求一無所知，而且他們對勞資雙方的關(guān)系產(chǎn)生的影響并不是積極的。

4. The paid manager acting for the company was in more direct relation with the men and their demands, but even he had seldom that familiar personal knowledge of the workmen which the employer had often had under the more patriarchal system of the old family business now passing away.
公司花錢雇來的職業(yè)經(jīng)理人與工人以及他們需求的關(guān)系更加直接，但是就連他對工人們的了解也往往并不是私人間的了解。而在現(xiàn)在正在消失的古老家族公司的那種更加家長式的制度下，雇主們卻往往和他們的工人之間有這樣的私人關(guān)系。

5. Among the many shaping factors, I would single out the country's excellent elementary schools: a labor force that welcomed the new technology; the practice of giving premiums to inventors; and above all the American genius for nonverbal, "spatial" thinking about things technological.
在許多形成因素當中，我將單獨討論我們國家優(yōu)秀的小學教育，其他因素有：善于學習新技術(shù)的勞動者們：獎勵發(fā)明者的做法；還有最重要的因素，是美國人對技術(shù)非言語的、發(fā)散的思維的天賦。

6. As Eugene Ferguson has pointed out, "A technologist thinks about objects that can not be reduced to unambiguous verbal descriptions: they are dealt with in his mind by a visual, nonverbal process...The designer and the inventor.., are able to assemble and manipulate in their minds devices that as yet do not exist".
正如尤金·弗格森所指出的："技術(shù)專家考慮的是不能被簡化成能用清楚的語言描述的東西。這些東西在他的思維中是通過一種視覺的、非語言的過程處理的……設計者和發(fā)明者……能夠在他們的腦中裝配并操作那些還不存在的裝置。"

7. Robert Fulton once wrote, "The mechanic should sit down among levers, screws, wedges, wheel, etc, like a poet among the letters of the alphabet, considering them as an exhibition of his thoughts, in which a new arrangement transmits a new idea".
羅伯特·法歐特曾經(jīng)這樣寫到："一個技師會沉浸在杠桿、螺絲釘、楔子、 輪子等等當中，如同一個詩人沉浸在字母表的字母中，他們把這些字母看成自己思想的顯現(xiàn)，每種新的安排都傳達了一種新的思想。"

8. In the last three chapters, he takes off his gloves and gives the creationists a good beating. He describes their programs and, tactics, and, for those unfamiliar with the ways of creationists, the extent of their deception and distortion may come as an unpleasant surprise.
在最后三章中，他將神造論者好好批判了一頓。他描述了他們的活動和戰(zhàn)術(shù)，而且，對于那些對神造論者的做事方式不熟悉的人來說，神造論者的欺騙和扭曲事實的程度可能會令這些人瞠目結(jié)舌。

9. On the dust jacket of this fine book, Stephen Jay Gould says: "This book stands for reason itself." And so it does-and all wound be well were reason the only judge in the creationism/evolution debate.
在這本好書的封面上，史蒂芬·杰伊·古爾德寫道："這本書本身就代表理性。"而它確實是這樣的——而且如果理性成為神造論／地化論之間的辯論中的惟一評判標準的話，一切就都好辦了。

10. After six months of arguing and final 16 hours of hot parliamentary debates, Australia's Northern Territory became the first legal authority in the world to allow doctors to take the lives of incurably ill patients who wish to die.
經(jīng)過了六個月的爭論以及最后16個小時激烈的議會辯論，澳大利亞北部地區(qū)當局成為了世界上第一個允許醫(yī)生給希望死去的絕癥病人實施安樂死的立法當局。

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