2019年6月CATTI二筆實(shí)務(wù)真題

英譯漢第一篇：394字
節(jié)選自紐約時(shí)報(bào)What Role Do Teachers Play in Education?
原文鏈接：（What Role Do Teachers Play in Education? - The New York Times?
）

In 2009, Time magazine hailed an online math program piloted at three New York City public schools, as one of the year’s 50 best innovations. Each day, the software generated individualized math “playlists” for students who then chose the “modality” in which they wished to learn — software, a virtual teacher or a flesh-and-blood one. A different algorithm sorted teachers’ specialties and schedules to match a student’s needs. “It generates the lessons, the tests and it grades the tests,” one veteran instructor marveled.
2009年，《時(shí)代》雜志發(fā)文稱(chēng)贊三所紐約市公立學(xué)校試點(diǎn)推行的在線數(shù)學(xué)課程，稱(chēng)其是該年度的五十大杰出創(chuàng)新成果之一。該課程軟件每天都會(huì)生成個(gè)性化的數(shù)學(xué)課“播放列表”，學(xué)生可根據(jù)想要學(xué)習(xí)的內(nèi)容選擇具體的“播放模式”。這款課程軟件既是一位虛擬教師，也會(huì)呈現(xiàn)出一種有血有肉的真實(shí)形象。通過(guò)一種特別的算法，課程軟件對(duì)所有教師的專(zhuān)業(yè)課程與排課時(shí)間進(jìn)行分類(lèi)，以滿足每位學(xué)生的需求。一位資深講師就曾驚嘆稱(chēng)，“這款軟件不僅能夠生成課程與測(cè)試內(nèi)容，還可對(duì)測(cè)試結(jié)果進(jìn)行評(píng)分”。

Although the program made only modest improvements in students’ math scores and was adopted by only a handful of New York schools (not the 50 for which it was slated), it serves as a notable example of a pattern that Andrea Gabor charts in “After the Education Wars.” For more than three decades, an unlikely coalition of corporate philanthropists, educational technology entrepreneurs and public education bureaucrats has spearheaded a brand of school reform characterized by the overvaluing of technology and standardized testing and a devaluing of teachers and communities. The trend can be traced back to a hyperbolic 1983 report, “A Nation at Risk,” issued by President Ronald Reagan’s National Commission on Excellence in Education. Against the backdrop of an ascendant Japanese economy and consistent with President Reagan’s disdain for public education (and teachers’ unions), “A Nation at Risk” blamed America’s ineffectual schools for a “rising tide of mediocrity” that was diminishing America’s global role in a new high-tech world.
雖然該課程并未大幅提升學(xué)生的數(shù)學(xué)成績(jī)，且僅有少數(shù)紐約學(xué)校采用（并非預(yù)期進(jìn)駐的50所學(xué)校），但卻是安德烈埃·加博爾（Andrea Gabor）在《教育戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)》（After the Education Wars）中所提出的教改模式的一個(gè)典型范例。三十多年來(lái)，看似不可能達(dá)成統(tǒng)一戰(zhàn)線的眾多企業(yè)慈善家、教育技術(shù)企業(yè)家和公共教育官員率先掀起一股學(xué)校改革風(fēng)潮，其特點(diǎn)就是極度重視技術(shù)及標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化測(cè)試，同時(shí)弱化對(duì)教師和社會(huì)的關(guān)注。這一風(fēng)潮可以追溯到羅納德·里根政府時(shí)期的“國(guó)家教育卓越委員會(huì)（National Commission on Excellence in Education）”于1983年發(fā)布的一份風(fēng)格夸張的報(bào)告——《處于危險(xiǎn)中的國(guó)家》（A Nation at Risk）。在日本經(jīng)濟(jì)崛起的背景下，里根總統(tǒng)曾對(duì)美國(guó)的公共教育（及教師工會(huì)）表現(xiàn)出蔑視之情，與此相呼應(yīng)，《處于危險(xiǎn)中的國(guó)家》也將美國(guó)“平庸之輩越來(lái)越多”歸咎于美國(guó)學(xué)校的無(wú)能，認(rèn)為這些庸才正不斷削弱美國(guó)在高新科技領(lǐng)域的全球影響力。

Policymakers turned their focus to public education as a matter of national security, one too important (and potentially too profitable) to entrust to educators. The notion that top-down decisions by politicians, not teachers, should determine what children need was a thread running through the bipartisan 2001 No Child Left Behind Act, the Obama administration’s Race to the Top and state-initiated Common Core standards, and the current charter-driven agenda of Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos. “Accountability” became synonymous with standardized tests, resulting in a testing juggernaut with large profits going to commercial publishing giants like Pearson.
政策制定者隨后將關(guān)注點(diǎn)轉(zhuǎn)向公共教育領(lǐng)域。在政策制定者看來(lái)，公共教育已上升至國(guó)家安全的高度，其重要性（或高盈利性）完全無(wú)法讓政策制定者將發(fā)展公共教育的任務(wù)放心交予教育部門(mén)。有種觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為，決定兒童教育需求的應(yīng)當(dāng)是政治人物（而非教師群體）自上而下的政策決策，而從2001年美國(guó)兩黨支持通過(guò)的“有教無(wú)類(lèi)法案（No Child Left Behind Act）”，到奧巴馬政府的“力爭(zhēng)上游（Race to the Top）”計(jì)劃與州共同核心課程標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，再到現(xiàn)任美國(guó)教育部長(zhǎng)貝琪·德沃斯（Betsy DeVos）推行的特許學(xué)校議程，這一觀念始終貫穿其中?！柏?zé)任制”已成為標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化測(cè)試的代名詞，導(dǎo)致培生教育（Pearson）等教育測(cè)試領(lǐng)域的大體量、高利潤(rùn)機(jī)構(gòu)轉(zhuǎn)型成為商業(yè)出版巨頭。

The education wars have been demoralizing for teachers, over 17 percent of whom drop out within their first five years. No one believes that teaching to the test is good pedagogy, but what are the options when students’ future educational choices, teachers’ salaries and retention and, in some states, the fate of entire schools rest on student test scores? In meticulous detail, Gabor documents reform’s institutional failings. She describes the turns in New York City’s testing-obsessed policies, the undermining of Michigan’s once fine public schools and the heartbreaking failure of New Orleans to remake its schools after Hurricane Katrina.
教育戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)削弱了教師隊(duì)伍的斗志，超過(guò)17%的教師在入職不到五年內(nèi)離職。沒(méi)有人相信應(yīng)試教育是一種有效的教育方法，但當(dāng)學(xué)生的繼續(xù)教育選擇、教師的薪資與留任，乃至美國(guó)某些州整所學(xué)校的前途命運(yùn)都取決于學(xué)生的測(cè)試成績(jī)時(shí)，他們還能有哪些選擇？加博爾在其書(shū)中極其詳盡地記述了教育改革的制度缺陷：紐約市教育測(cè)試狂熱政策引發(fā)諸多轉(zhuǎn)變；密歇根州公立學(xué)校的昔日優(yōu)勢(shì)遭到削弱；卡特里娜颶風(fēng)肆虐過(guò)后，新奧爾良市在重建學(xué)校時(shí)也遭遇令人心碎的困境。

英譯漢第二篇：404字
節(jié)選自聯(lián)合國(guó)教科文組織官網(wǎng)，原文鏈接如下：（Angkor - UNESCO World Heritage Centre ?）

Angkor is one of the most important archaeological sites in Southeast Asia. For several centuries, Angkor was the centre of the Khmer Kingdom. With impressive monuments, several different ancient urban plans and large water reservoirs, the site is a unique concentration of features testifying to an exceptional civilization. Temples, exemplars of Khmer architecture, are closely linked to their geographical context as well as being imbued with symbolic significance. The architecture and layout of the successive capitals bear witness to a high level of social order and ranking within the Khmer Empire. Angkor is therefore a major site exemplifying cultural, religious and symbolic values, as well as containing high architectural, archaeological and artistic significance.
吳哥是東南亞地區(qū)最重要的考古遺址之一。幾個(gè)世紀(jì)以來(lái)，吳哥一直是高棉王國(guó)的都城。除了令人印象深刻的歷史遺跡之外，當(dāng)?shù)剡€留有眾多古城池與大型水庫(kù)的遺址。如此之多的罕見(jiàn)遺跡匯集于一處，這就是當(dāng)?shù)卦?jīng)存在過(guò)高度文明的象征。作為一種典型的高棉建筑，寺廟與當(dāng)?shù)氐牡乩憝h(huán)境密切相關(guān)，具有標(biāo)志性意義。歷代都城的建筑與布局在很大程度上見(jiàn)證了高棉帝國(guó)的社會(huì)秩序與等級(jí)。因此，作為一處重要的歷史遺跡，吳哥不僅具有豐富的建筑、考古和藝術(shù)內(nèi)涵，還展現(xiàn)出較高的文化、宗教和象征價(jià)值。

The Angkor complex encompasses all major architectural buildings and hydrological engineering systems from the Khmer period. All the individual aspects illustrate the intactness of the site very much reflecting the splendor of the cities that once were. The site integrity however, is put under dual pressures: endogenous: exerted by more than 100,000 inhabitants distributed over 112 historic settlements scattered over the site, who constantly try to expand their dwelling areas; exogenous: related to the proximity of the town of Siem Reap, the seat of the province and a tourism hub.
吳哥建筑群囊括了高棉時(shí)期的所有重要建筑和水文工程系統(tǒng)，全方位展現(xiàn)了該地遺址的完整性，同時(shí)也反映出歷代城池的輝煌歷史。然而，遺址的完整性目前正面臨著雙重壓力。其一是內(nèi)生性壓力：遺址區(qū)域零星散布著112個(gè)歷史聚居點(diǎn)，居民人數(shù)超過(guò)10萬(wàn)，而他們正在想方設(shè)法擴(kuò)大自身的居住區(qū)域；其二是外生性壓力：當(dāng)?shù)嘏c暹粒鎮(zhèn)相鄰，而暹粒鎮(zhèn)正位于暹粒省首府，是一處旅游業(yè)中心。

Angkor is one of the largest archaeological sites in operation in the world. Tourism represents an enormous economic potential but it can also generate irreparable destructions of the tangible as well as intangible cultural heritage. Many research projects have been undertaken, since the international safeguarding program was first launched in 1993. The scientific objectives of the research (e.g. anthropological studies on socio-economic conditions) result in a better knowledge and understanding of the history of the site, and its inhabitants that constitute a rich exceptional legacy of the intangible heritage. The purpose is to associate the “intangible culture” to the enhancement of the monuments in order to sensitize the local population to the importance and necessity of its protection and preservation and assist in the development of the site as Angkor is a living heritage site where Khmer people in general, but especially the local population, are known to be particularly conservative with respect to ancestral traditions and where they adhere to a great number of archaic cultural practices that have disappeared elsewhere.
吳哥是全球最大的經(jīng)營(yíng)性考古遺址之一。旅游業(yè)代表著巨大的經(jīng)濟(jì)潛力，但同時(shí)也可能對(duì)物質(zhì)和非物質(zhì)文化遺產(chǎn)造成無(wú)法挽回的傷害。吳哥的國(guó)際保護(hù)計(jì)劃起步于1993年，多年來(lái)已開(kāi)展眾多研究項(xiàng)目?？茖W(xué)的研究目標(biāo)（如社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)條件的人類(lèi)學(xué)研究）使得人們得以更好地認(rèn)識(shí)與了解吳哥遺址的歷史，以及作為這些璀璨非物質(zhì)文化遺產(chǎn)締造者的吳哥當(dāng)?shù)鼐用?。吳哥堪稱(chēng)歷史文化的活化石，這里的高棉人（特別是當(dāng)?shù)鼐用瘢┰谙茸鎮(zhèn)鹘y(tǒng)方面通常極為守舊，而他們所堅(jiān)守的大量古老文化習(xí)俗在其他地方早已消失殆盡，因此，開(kāi)展這些研究旨在將“非物質(zhì)文化”與歷史遺跡的保護(hù)聯(lián)系起來(lái)，使當(dāng)?shù)鼐用褚庾R(shí)到吳哥遺跡保護(hù)的重要性和必要性，從而為當(dāng)?shù)剡z址的開(kāi)發(fā)工作提供協(xié)助。

Moreover, the Angkor Archaeological Park is very rich in medicinal plants, used by the local population for treatment of diseases. The Preah Khan temple is considered to have been a university of medicine and the NeakPoan an ancient hospital.
此外，吳哥考古公園（Angkor Archaeological Park）內(nèi)還生長(zhǎng)著種類(lèi)豐富的藥用植物，當(dāng)?shù)鼐用裼盟鼈冎委煻喾N疾病。圣劍寺（Preah Khan）據(jù)信過(guò)去曾是一所醫(yī)藥學(xué)府，而尼克潘（NeakPoan）則被認(rèn)為是一家古老的醫(yī)院。

漢譯英第一篇：337字
節(jié)選自《“十三五”國(guó)家老齡事業(yè)發(fā)展和養(yǎng)老體系建設(shè)規(guī)劃》，原文鏈接：

預(yù)計(jì)到2020年，全國(guó)60歲以上老年人口將增加到2.55億人左右，占總?cè)丝诒戎靥嵘?7.8%左右；高齡老年人將增加到2900萬(wàn)人左右，獨(dú)居老人將增加到1.18億人左右。涉老法規(guī)政策系統(tǒng)性、協(xié)調(diào)性、針對(duì)性、可操作性有待增強(qiáng)；城鄉(xiāng)區(qū)域老齡事業(yè)發(fā)展和養(yǎng)老體系建設(shè)不均衡問(wèn)題突出；養(yǎng)老服務(wù)有效供給不足，質(zhì)量效益不高，人才隊(duì)伍短缺。
China is expected to see an increase in the number of elderly people aged over 60 years to around 255 million by 2020, raising its percentage of the total population to about 17.8%; the older population will rise to about 29 million, and the number of seniors living alone will jump to about 118 million. The regulations and policies relating to the elderly people need to be more systematic, coordinated, relevant and feasible; the development of undertakings for the aged and the construction of old-age service systems in urban and rural areas experience prominent imbalance; the elderly care service is plagued by the shortage of effective supply, low quality and effectiveness, and manpower shortage.

規(guī)劃提出目標(biāo)，到2020年，老齡事業(yè)發(fā)展整體水平明顯提升，養(yǎng)老體系更加健全完善。社會(huì)保險(xiǎn)、社會(huì)福利、社會(huì)救助等社會(huì)保障制度和公益慈善事業(yè)有效銜接，老年人的基本生活、基本醫(yī)療、基本照護(hù)等需求得到切實(shí)保障。老齡事業(yè)發(fā)展和養(yǎng)老體系建設(shè)的法治化、信息化、標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化、規(guī)范化程度明顯提高。市場(chǎng)活力和社會(huì)創(chuàng)造力得到充分激發(fā)，養(yǎng)老服務(wù)和產(chǎn)品供給主體更加多元、內(nèi)容更加豐富、質(zhì)量更加優(yōu)良，以信用為核心的新型市場(chǎng)監(jiān)管機(jī)制建立完善。老年人合法權(quán)益得到有效保護(hù)，老年人參與社會(huì)發(fā)展的條件持續(xù)改善。
The goal is laid out in the Plan that by 2020 overall development level of the aging cause will see a significant enhancement, and the old-age service systems will become improved and perfected. Social security systems such as social insurance, social welfare, and social assistance are effectively linked to charitable causes to effectively guarantee the needs of the elderly people for basic livelihood, basic medical care, and basic care. The development of aging cause and construction of old-age service systems demonstrate obvious improvement in legalization, informationization, standardization and normalization. Market vitality and social creativity have been fully stimulated. The services and products for elderly people have more diversified suppliers, more abundant content, and better quality. A credit-centered new market regulatory mechanism has been well-established. The elderly people have received solid protection on their legitimate rights and interests, and have been provided with continuously improved conditions for them to be part of social development.

漢譯英 passage 2

（原文、譯文改編自《英語(yǔ)世界》2019.05月刊）
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中國(guó)的改革發(fā)端于農(nóng)村，目的在于調(diào)節(jié)農(nóng)民和土地之間的關(guān)系。1978年之前，數(shù)億中國(guó)人還在為溫飽問(wèn)題發(fā)愁，如今，經(jīng)過(guò)40年的發(fā)展,中國(guó)有7億多農(nóng)村貧困人口實(shí)現(xiàn)脫貧。從1978年至1985年，農(nóng)村經(jīng)濟(jì)體制的深刻變革，為農(nóng)村經(jīng)濟(jì)的增長(zhǎng)和貧困人口的大幅減少提供了強(qiáng)勁動(dòng)力。按當(dāng)時(shí)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，有50%未解決溫飽的農(nóng)村人口在這期間解決了溫飽問(wèn)題。按現(xiàn)在的扶貧標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，有超過(guò)1億農(nóng)村人口在這期間擺脫了貧困。這不僅為全面建設(shè)小康社會(huì)打下了堅(jiān)實(shí)的基礎(chǔ)，而且為全人類(lèi)的扶貧和發(fā)展做出了巨大貢獻(xiàn)。
China’s reform originated in rural areas with the purpose of adjusting the relationship between farmers and land. Before 1978, hundreds of millions of Chinese people were struggling to meet their basic daily needs. After 40 years of development, more than 700 million people in rural areas of China were lifted out of poverty. From 1978 to 1985, the profound reform of China’s rural economic system provided a strong impetus for economic growth and a dramatic reduction of the poverty-stricken population. According to the standards at that time, 50 percent of the rural population in poverty met their basic needs during this period. And even according to the poverty alleviation standards at present, more than 100 million rural people were lifted out of poverty during the period. This not only laid a solid foundation for China to build a moderately prosperous society in all respects but also made great contributions to poverty alleviation and development for all mankind.
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1978年，安徽鳳陽(yáng)縣小崗村的18戶農(nóng)民走出了中國(guó)農(nóng)村改革的第一步。破除了計(jì)劃經(jīng)濟(jì)體制的諸多束縛，實(shí)行以家庭聯(lián)產(chǎn)承包責(zé)任制為基礎(chǔ)的家庭經(jīng)營(yíng)，獲得了可以自由耕種的承包土地，極大調(diào)動(dòng)了生產(chǎn)積極性,使他們以巨大的熱情投入到農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)之中。
In 1978, farmers from 18 households in Xiaogang Village of Fengyang County, Anhui Province took the first step of China’s rural reform. By removing many constraints of the planned economic system and conducting family management based on the household responsibility system, farmers received contracted land they could freely decide what to grow, which greatly stimulated their enthusiasm for agricultural production.

2019年6月CATTI三筆真題·實(shí)務(wù)


英譯漢 passage 1

題源：這一篇摘選自世界衛(wèi)生組織官網(wǎng)上世衛(wèi)組織總干事特德羅斯·阿達(dá)諾姆博士（Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus）的一篇演講The right to health
原文鏈接：

Both WHO’s constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Right assert that health is a human right, not a privilege for those who can afford it. Over time, that right has made its way into both national and international law. But importantly, the right to health is not simply a noble idea on a piece of paper.
世界衛(wèi)生組織《組織法》與《世界人權(quán)宣言》（Universal Declaration of Human Right）均強(qiáng)調(diào)健康是一項(xiàng)人權(quán)，而不是那些有經(jīng)濟(jì)實(shí)力者享有的特權(quán)。隨著時(shí)間的推移，健康權(quán)已逐漸載入各國(guó)法律和國(guó)際法律。但重要的是，健康權(quán)絕非只是紙上空談。

It has been a platform for major improvements in global health. Since 1948, life expectancy has increased by 25 years. Maternal and childhood mortality have plummeted. Smallpox has been eradicated and polio is on the brink. We have turned the tide on the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Deaths from malaria have dropped dramatically. New vaccines have made once-feared diseases easily preventable. And there are many other causes for celebration. But even as we continue to struggle with old threats, new ones have arisen. Climate change will have profound effects on health. Antimicrobial resistance has the potential to undo the gains of modern medicine. Vaccine hesitancy is putting millions of young lives at risk. Noncommunicable diseases, including heart disease, stroke, cancer diabetes, hypertension, lung diseases and mental illnesses have become the major killers of our time. And of course, we continue to face the ever-present threat of outbreaks and other health emergencies.
健康權(quán)一直是全球健康狀況得以獲得重大改善的平臺(tái)。自1948年以來(lái)，預(yù)期壽命延長(zhǎng)了25歲。產(chǎn)婦和兒童死亡率快速下跌。天花已被消滅，脊髓灰質(zhì)炎也已處在被消滅的邊緣。艾滋病毒/艾滋病的勢(shì)頭得到扭轉(zhuǎn)。瘧疾致死的現(xiàn)象急劇減少。得益于新疫苗的出現(xiàn)，曾經(jīng)讓人談虎色變的疾病也變得易于預(yù)防。還有其他進(jìn)步可喜可賀。但是，就在我們繼續(xù)對(duì)抗既有健康威脅之時(shí)，新的健康威脅已經(jīng)出現(xiàn)。氣候變化會(huì)對(duì)健康產(chǎn)生深遠(yuǎn)影響。抗微生物藥物耐藥性有可能讓現(xiàn)代醫(yī)學(xué)取得的成果蕩然無(wú)存?！耙呙绐q豫”正危及數(shù)百萬(wàn)年輕人的生命。心臟病、中風(fēng)、癌癥、糖尿病、高血壓、肺病和精神疾病等非傳染性疾病已成為當(dāng)今時(shí)代的頭號(hào)殺手。當(dāng)然，我們還無(wú)時(shí)不刻不在面臨著疫情和其他突發(fā)衛(wèi)生事件的威脅。

In the past 12 months, WHO has responded to 47 emergencies in 50 countries. We are currently responding to an outbreak of Ebola in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, very near the border with Uganda. As of today, there have been 373 cases and 216 deaths since the outbreak started in August. So far, we have managed to prevent Ebola from spreading across the border, largely because we have much better tools with which to fight Ebola than at any time in history. More than 32,000 people have been vaccinated, which is one of the reasons the outbreak has not spread further than it has. We also have ways to treat those infected. So far, 150 people have been treated with one of four drugs. 14 million travelers have been screened, there have been more than 190 safe and dignified burials, we have done door-to-door advocacy in almost 4000 households and we have trained more than 500 community leaders. But this outbreak has been much more difficult to control, largely because of the security situation in eastern DRC. Armed groups operating in the area conduct regular attacks on the city of Beni, the epicentre of the outbreak. And every time there is an attack, the virus gets an advantage. Vaccination and contact tracing are disrupted.
在過(guò)去的12個(gè)月內(nèi)，世衛(wèi)組織應(yīng)對(duì)了50個(gè)國(guó)家47起突發(fā)事件。我們目前正在處理鄰近烏干達(dá)邊境的剛果民主共和國(guó)爆發(fā)的埃博拉疫情。自8月爆發(fā)以來(lái)，迄今已有373例病例和216例死亡。到目前為止，我們已成功阻止埃博拉病毒蔓延越過(guò)邊境，這主要因?yàn)槲覀儾捎昧擞惺芬詠?lái)最好的幾種手段對(duì)抗埃博拉病毒。超過(guò)3.2萬(wàn)人接種了疫苗，這是疫情沒(méi)有進(jìn)一步擴(kuò)散的原因之一。此外，我們也有治療感染者的方法。到目前為止，已有150人接受了四種藥物中的一種治療。1400萬(wàn)游客經(jīng)過(guò)篩查；超過(guò)190人得到安全、體面埋葬；挨家挨戶宣傳達(dá)到近4000戶；500多名社區(qū)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)接受了培訓(xùn)。但此次疫情控制難度加大，這主要?dú)w咎于剛果民主共和國(guó)東部的安全局勢(shì)。在該地區(qū)作戰(zhàn)的武裝分子頻繁襲擊疫情中心貝尼市（Beni），而每次襲擊都為病毒創(chuàng)造了有利條件，中斷了疫苗接種和接觸者追蹤工作。

Health security and health systems are two sides of the same coin. The best long-term investment in protecting and promoting the right to health is to invest in stronger health systems. Because there is simply no other way to achieve universal health coverage and the Sustainable Development Goals than primary health care, with a focus on health promotion and disease prevention. But it will also require WHO and the global health community to work in a much more integrated and coherent way. That’s why WHO and 10 other international health agencies have agreed to work together on a Global Action Plan for Healthy Lives and Well-Being. The plan has three strategic approaches: integrate, accelerate and account. First, we have committed to integrate many of our processes to increase our collective efficiency. Second, we have committed to accelerate progress by identifying areas of work in which we can truly bend the curve and make more rapid progress towards the health-related SDGs – like research and development, data and sustainable financing. And third, we have committed to keep each other accountable, both to the people we serve, and to the donors and partners who expect results from the resources they give us.
衛(wèi)生安全和醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生體系是同一事物的兩個(gè)方面。保護(hù)和促進(jìn)健康權(quán)的最佳長(zhǎng)期投資方式是投資更強(qiáng)大的醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生體系。初級(jí)衛(wèi)生保健以促進(jìn)健康和預(yù)防疾病為重點(diǎn)，而除了初級(jí)衛(wèi)生保健，根本沒(méi)有其他方法可以實(shí)現(xiàn)全民健康覆蓋與可持續(xù)發(fā)展目標(biāo)（Sustainable Development Goals）。但這還需要世衛(wèi)組織與全球衛(wèi)生界加強(qiáng)協(xié)調(diào)合作。這就是世衛(wèi)組織與其他10個(gè)國(guó)際衛(wèi)生機(jī)構(gòu)同意共同推行“全球健康生活與福祉行動(dòng)計(jì)劃”（Global Action Plan for Healthy Lives and Well-Being）的原因。這項(xiàng)計(jì)劃有三大戰(zhàn)略方法：整合流程、加快進(jìn)程與承擔(dān)責(zé)任。首先，我們已承諾整合諸多流程，提高集體效率。其次，我們已承諾，通過(guò)確定能夠真正扭轉(zhuǎn)局勢(shì)的工作領(lǐng)域（如研發(fā)、數(shù)據(jù)和可持續(xù)融資領(lǐng)域），加速實(shí)現(xiàn)與健康相關(guān)的可持續(xù)發(fā)展目標(biāo)，從而加快進(jìn)程。最后，我們已承諾人人承擔(dān)責(zé)任，不僅對(duì)所服務(wù)的對(duì)象負(fù)責(zé)，也要對(duì)出資出力、期待其有所成效的捐助者與合作者負(fù)責(zé)。

漢譯英 passage 1
題源：中國(guó)網(wǎng)《中國(guó)訪談》欄目對(duì)360企業(yè)安全集團(tuán)董事長(zhǎng)齊向東的專(zhuān)訪
原文鏈接：

互聯(lián)網(wǎng)在中國(guó)改革開(kāi)放中的重要作用怎么說(shuō)都不為過(guò)。從2000年開(kāi)始，中國(guó)互聯(lián)網(wǎng)應(yīng)用的普及，到現(xiàn)在快20年的時(shí)間。尤其是在最后的這15年，互聯(lián)網(wǎng)為保持高速發(fā)展起到了決定性的作用。經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展有兩個(gè)東西是至關(guān)重要的：第一就是提高生產(chǎn)效率，提升產(chǎn)品質(zhì)量，生產(chǎn)出更有創(chuàng)意的設(shè)計(jì)；第二就是保持渠暢通，使工廠生產(chǎn)的東西以最快的速度、最低的成本送到消費(fèi)者的手里?；ヂ?lián)網(wǎng)在這兩個(gè)環(huán)節(jié)都為中國(guó)的產(chǎn)業(yè)發(fā)展起到了決定性的作用。
The importance of the Internet in China’s reform and opening up cannot be overstated. The year of 2000 marks the beginning of nearly two decades’ popularity the Internet has enjoyed in China. Especially over the last 15 years, the Internet has played a decisive role in sustaining rapid development of the country. Economic development is enabled, crucially, by two factors: first, the improvement of production efficiency with higher product quality and more creative designs, and second, open channels through which factory products can be delivered to customers at the fastest speed and lowest cost. That is how the Internet decisively accounts for China’s industrial development.

互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的發(fā)展在設(shè)計(jì)理念和設(shè)計(jì)人才方面極大的縮小了我們與國(guó)際先進(jìn)的國(guó)家的差距。通過(guò)互聯(lián)網(wǎng)，我們可以通過(guò)互聯(lián)網(wǎng)以更快的速度獲取全球最先進(jìn)的設(shè)計(jì)技術(shù)和理念。更重要的是通過(guò)互聯(lián)網(wǎng)可以產(chǎn)生更多的效應(yīng)。這就極大地加快了經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的速度。
The development of the Internet has significantly narrowed our gap with advanced countries in design concepts and design talents. We are offered a faster access to the world’s state-of-the-art design techniques and concepts by the Internet. More importantly, the Internet can bring about more effects. This has greatly accelerated economic development.

在渠道的領(lǐng)域，互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的效果更加明顯，比如電商。老百姓通過(guò)互聯(lián)網(wǎng)更容易表達(dá)他自己的意愿，更容易對(duì)我們現(xiàn)有的一些產(chǎn)品提出一些批評(píng)性的意見(jiàn)，而這些也都更好地推動(dòng)企業(yè)的生產(chǎn)，推動(dòng)政府職能的現(xiàn)代化。首先，是城市人和農(nóng)村人在獲取信息和溝通信息上平等，大家都可以通過(guò)互聯(lián)網(wǎng)實(shí)時(shí)看到中國(guó)的發(fā)展和中國(guó)城市的發(fā)展。互聯(lián)網(wǎng)刺激百姓謀求美好生活的意愿，并且將意愿化為前行的強(qiáng)大動(dòng)力。
As for channels, the Internet has an even more evident effect, for example, on e-commerce. It has made it easier for ordinary people to express their own will, and share critical comments on some of our existing products, which will facilitate the production of enterprises and the modernization of government functions. Firstly, people in urban and rural areas, by going online, are equal in accessing and communicating information, which allows all of them to see the development of China and Chinese cities in real time. The Internet then stimulates the aspirations of common people to seek a better life, and turns their aspirations into a powerful driving force for development.